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Overview |
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ancestors of the people who wrote these dances and tunes lodged themselves
in remote Upper Lusatia, not far from the modern border between Saxony
and Bohemia, sometime in the 5th century A.D, a period when the Slavic-speaking
Veneti, Wagrians, Obodrites and Sorbs were moving into land out of which
Germanic-speakers were migrating. This particular people, however, spoke
a language which was neither Germanic nor Slavic. In fundamental structure
it appears to have gone back to either ancient Illyrian or a proto-Lithuanian,
depending on whether some words in a Latin script scratched on a 6th
century A.D. stone wall are to be translated as 'To the worshipful Lord
of the Dance' or as 'Deposit your donation here'. Word order, judging
from lengthier 8th century texts, seems to have been influenced by contact
with a Celtic language and personal names by contact with Frankish,
Norman and Vlach speakers. Much of the language's vocabulary was drawn
from neighbouring Germanic and Slavic dialects, but with a curiously
strong input of common words from Old Hungarian and Turkish and academic
terms from Classical Greek. In the 9th and 10th century, as Europe emerged
from the dark ages, people who for centuries had been marauders started
to settled down to form states. The Franks did so in the west of Europe,
the Magyars in the east and the Vikings in the North. The lands in between
were divided between Germanic and Slavic-speakers - and between them
were caught this other language group. In the 11th and 12th century
with western Europe experiencing substantial population growth, many
landless Saxon, Danish and even Flemish knights and peasants sought
their fortune further east and the land between the Elbe and the Oder
was gradually conquered, colonised, Christianised and Germanicised.
Along the Baltic coast cities sprang up and inland hundreds of towns
and villages were established. Everywhere forests were cleared for the
plough and the inhabitants and settlers alike reduced to serfdom - everywhere,
that is, except in this one particularly remote and particulary picturesque
Upper Lusatian valley. The early 18th century proved a hey-day for Bordonian dance. Dance masters travelled abroad buying dance manual in Paris and editions of Playford's Dancing Master in London, studying court style in Italy, collecting peasant dances in France and teaching dancing to the big boys of Frederick's Potsdam Guard. At home, everyone learnt to dance - unborn children were learning in their mother's wombs, toddlers from the corner of dance halls where they would be put to sleep and adolescents at school. Adults would dance till midnight, break for a supper then resume till daybreak. Everyone danced and tavern vied with tavern for dancers' custom. Larger farm houses had a special dancing room while cottagers would just clear the kitchen. Choreography became so central to Bordonians' reason-for-being that try as they might to match other states by ensconcing a prince with an hereditary right to rule in a splendid palace, all the major affairs of state continued to be handled by their 'Grand Choreographer' and the 'Master of Delight'. Then, in 1738 Egan Hrodnj, a holder of both these offices at different times and a prodigious collector and writer of dances and tunes, completed his great 'Terpsichorean Alphabet' - the first substantial work in the old Bordonian language. In 1740, however, the great philosopher King Frederick the Great attacked Silesia and started a war which embroiled France, Germany, Austria and Poland, piled lanes in Wendish villages high with corpses, and indirectly enabled England to take North America off the French. During this war, the Bordonians lost both Hrodnj's manuscript and their language. Slavic-speaking Wends sought refuge in Bordonia and, as with the English before them, they stayed, giving rise first to bilingualism, then to a half-half lingualism as the elderly clung to the old language and the young identified with the new and as families created their own pattern of usage to cross the generation divide. The real undoing of Bordonian culture in the later half of the 18th century was entirely of the Bordonians' own making. Their urge to experiment with every conceivable dance style, an urge which had led them to sample nearly every European dance fashion of the previous two centuries, led them to bring back to the ballrooms of Terpsichorea a dance which would turn life as they knew it up-side down. The dance was the minuet, and for fifty years the Bordonians obsession with mastering it killed social dancing. Assemblies fell under the birch-rod authority of floor managers who, with plumed-tricorn in one hand and handkerchief in the other, would swoop to correct and admonish. Experienced choreographers looked on in disbelief as their compatriots of both sexes donned jewels, beauty spots, enormous powdered coiffures and artificial airs to follow their newly-appreciated franco-phone prince through an exercise in nothing more than manners and gesticulation. The human body which Bordonians had for centuries allowed to thrill in the dizzy exhilaration of dance, now, like a well-ordered state, was to be ruled by the head and each part was to know its exact place and twitch and defer according to reason and duty. A generation emerged ashamed not only of the old language, but also of their old dance tradition. It was not till the French Revolution ended the infection at source, and, by its own excesses, discredited the Enlightenment philosophies which had helped it spread, that the Bordonians began to reflect on and take pride again in the heritage they had nearly lost. Naturalism and spontaneity returned, social dancing was reinstated and a new generation attempted to catch up with developments in the English country dancing style which they had embraced a century earlier and which in the meantime had evolved in North America into lively improper contra dancing. In the first half of the 19th century, after weathering the Napoleonic Wars, the people of Bordonia were as keen as anyone in Europe to embrace a lighter mode of living. For the women, the high coiffures gave way to shorter hair and ringlets, heavy loops and deep decolletage to more practical high waisted frocks crossed with braid beneath the breasts. For the men, the square-tailed indoor overcoat gave way to a thinner-tailed coat buttoned at the waist, the knee breeches and stockings to slender trousers and the square-toed shoe with its heavy buckle to a lighter slipper. The people were ready for the fast turning of the waltz, mazurka, schottische and polka. As elsewhere in Europe Bordonians were soon putting the new steps into dances in the older circle, longways or quadrille forms and the resulting new dances along with new versions of the couples dances were turning into new folk dances. Pre-eminent among Bordonian dance masters at the time was Jan D'Honger. Like his contemporaries Cellarius, Coralli, Markowski, and Laborde, D'Honger sought to extend that which was possible with the traditions in hand. He sought to instil in his dancers a spirit of improvisation believing, as Coralli once remarked, that 'Uniformity exists only for novices or the unskilled', at the same time as trying to record in definitive sequences the most interesting choreographic possibilities. In 1850 he put both old and new material into his Pleasures for Four Seasons. At the time problems of widespread poverty and unemployment were being compounded by a growing famine. In 1844 the grain harvest failed, in 1845 blight destroyed the potato crop and in 1846 the grain crop was lost to early summer heat. By 1848 many saw migration as the only way out. Over the next twelve years thousands of Bordonians joined their Wendish neighbours on long sea voyages to lands in which they hoped to find a better life. Terspichorea fell into ruin. A people who once made a language out of dance, a devotion out of balls and a religion out of their social calendar were scattered, and the surviving villagers in Nenirja and Dudelsac struggle to keep their traditions alive.
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